aubiefifty

i bought a tidwell 51 for less than ten with shipping. odd as it is i cannot hardly find any cards of players on the 57 natty team. i think my next two will be takeo and quintin. i try to get legit auto cards. i want a freddy but there are none with auto's. remember him? i remember chanting his name with the crowd a few times.

here is my bo nix rookie i just got in the mail today.

my favorite piece ever is a 1955 batting statue of mickey mantle that was a give away from dairy queen.it is plastic and looks like an army soldier except it is mantle bunting. i gave 250 for that bad boy but is is very rare. i also have a mickey mantle baseball bucks ten dollar bill with his pic on it. theses are rare because kids mostly played with them and trashed them.

i just bought a really nice bo nix auto rookie for ten bucks and the seller gave me two free bo commons{non auto} free. before that i bought two flannagan auto rookies for like six bucks or maybe seven. recently i bought a lionel little train james auto from the pack guaranteed for around fifteen bucks.

it would take me a good while. i got mantles and bo's {both by the way}. i have tons of rookie auto cards of auburn players. my favorite is pat and terry sitting on top of the back support of the benches and it is autographed by both. i probably have fifty mantle plastic coins from hotdogs they gave away in the late fifties and early sixties.all colors and some are errors that spell his name mantel. i have a ton of these because they were less than ten bucks a pop for the most part.

usually you can go to auburn and find the stuff coaches are wearing. at least you used to could. i think j and m bookstore used to carry stuff coaches wear because they are popular but it has been twenty years or more since i have been there.

time for the righties to come in and say i could kill you with a butter knife. guess what? if you are trying to hurt me with a butter knife you just screwed up. if you come at me with an assault weapon you are going to take me and probably the whole room out. or all it takes is one good man with a gun. well we saw all we need of that crap in texas did we not? how many more times are we going to have to watch our children die because some of you want guns for toys. and before you come at me you can kill someone with legal weapons that will stop someone just as well. your second amendment does not trump my right not to see children turned into hamburger meat. i have never seen so many selfish crap in all my life. this crap is out of control and some of you keep shouting about rights. what about peoples rights not to get mowed down in public? and the proposals you guys are coming up with just are not working.

Looking for Congress to change gun laws after a mass shooting? These 5 states didn't wait Sarah Elbeshbishi, USA TODAY Sun, June 5, 2022 at 4:00 AM As the country grapples with yet another shooting that left four dead in at a medical center in Tulsa, Oklahoma, eyes are on Congress to see how representatives will respond to calls for changing the country’s gun laws. But in the more than two decades since the Columbine High School shooting, most gun reforms have taken place at the state level. Those state-level measures can only go so far, said Monisha Henley, senior director for state affairs at gun control advocacy group Everytown for Gun Safety. When Everytown ranks gun safety policies across the country the group also has to consider the laws of neighboring states. “The reason that Illinois, even with strong gun laws, may not be the California or New York is because they’re neighbors with a state like Indiana, which is not taking this seriously, that are deregulating their laws.” Henley said. ►Mass shootings: There have already been a dozen mass shootings this year: 'We're in a paralysis' ►Changing gun laws: The calls for gun reform follow every school shooting: Here's what they've led to ►'A bad day for hope': Another school shooting. More dead kids. Why gun control advocates see no end in sight Here are five states that passed significant gun legislation after a deadly attack: Connecticut The shooting: The deadliest school shooting the country’s history left 26 dead, including 20 children, after a gunman opened fire at Sandy Hook Elementary School in 2012. The response: The Connecticut General Assembly established a Gun Violence and Children’s Safety Task Force responsible for holding public hearings and delivering proposals for gun control and school safety. “Evil visited this community today and it’s too early to speak of recovery, but each parent, each sibling, each member of the family has to understand that Connecticut — we’re all in this together,” Dannel Malloy, Connecticut’s governor at the time, said. “We’ll do whatever we can to overcome this event.” In the months following the shooting lawmakers drafted a 139-page bill, which: Added more than 100 firearms to the state's list of banned assault weapons. Banned the sale or purchase of ammunition magazines with capacities of more than 10 rounds. Required background checks for all gun sales. The Sandy Hook shooting renewed the national debate around gun control as a growing number of gun control advocacy groups lobbied the White House and Congress to introduce gun control legislation. What happened: Four months after the deadly shooting, Connecticut lawmakers passed its comprehensive gun control legislation, with Malloy signing it into law just hours after the it won approval from the General Assembly. ►Daniel Defense: Team from Sandy Hook gun suit seeking answers on Uvalde AR-15 marketing California The shooting: Gunmen – armed with assault rifles and handguns – opened fire during an event at the Inland Regional Center located in San Bernardino, California, in 2015, leaving 14 dead and 22 injured. The response: In the wake of the San Bernardino shooting, California lawmakers looked to introduce a comprehensive package to revise the state’s gun laws and revisit previously stalled proposals, including a bill that would have closed the loophole allowing semiautomatic guns to have recessed “bullet button.” One of the semiautomatic rifles recovered was fitted with a bullet button. Among the new proposals and previously stalled bills reconsidered after the shooting were: Outlawing the manufacturing and sale of all semiautomatic weapons with the capacity to be fitted with a detachable magazine. Requiring background checks for those buying ammunition. Banning firearms with the holding capacity of more than 10 rounds. Requiring homemade guns to be registered with the state. What happened: Nearly seven months after the shooting in San Bernardino, Gov. Jerry Brown signed six new gun laws into law. With the new pieces of legislation, the state closed the loophole allowing bullet buttons on semiautomatic weapons – a measure Brown previously vetoed in 2013, during another gun law reform effort. The state also passed measures to restrict firearms with the capacity of holding more than 10 rounds, to require a background check when purchasing ammunition and to restrict “straw purchasing,” which is when an individual purchases a weapon legally but gives or sells it to another individual. Brown also vetoed several other bills, including one that would have made it a felony to steal a gun, saying that a similar measure was slated to appear on the state ballot later that year. ►Age limit buy a semi-automatic rifle?: Uvalde has House pushing a minimum age increase from 18 Florida The shooting: Seventeen people were killed at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in 2018 after a gunman opened fire on the school with an AR-15-styled rifle. The response: A gun reform movement was launched in the aftermath of the school shooting in Parkland – which took place almost two years after a mass shooting at an Orlando nightclub that killed 49 people. The movement, which also launched March for Our Lives, was led by a group of Marjory Stoneman Douglas students, including David Hogg, Emma Gonzalez, Jaclyn Corin, Cameron Kasky and Alex Wind. During the aftermath of the shooting, Florida lawmakers worked on bipartisan legislation with proposals including: Creating a program to arm some school officials. Requiring a three-day waiting period for the majority of long gun purchases. Raising the minimum age to purchase those weapons to 21. Banning the possession and sale of bump stocks. What happened: After weeks of debate, Florida lawmakers approved the bill in a bipartisan vote despite opposition from the National Rifle Association and then-Gov. Rick Scott signed the legislation into law. Along with the increased age minimum and imposing a three-day wait period, the legislation also created a “red flag” law, which allows authorities to confiscate or temporality bar the purchase of firearms from individuals who are deemed dangerous. In the days following the Texas school shooting, Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., voiced approval for Florida’s gun laws passed after Parkland. “The Florida law is a good law and it’s a signal of what’s possible,” said Murphy, who is a vocal advocate for gun control legislation. “It married together, changes to Florida’s gun laws, with some significant investments in mental health and school security.” Despite Florida’s recent improvement to its gun laws, progress as stalled since 2018 and its considered to be missing key gun laws, according to Everytown for Gun Safety. ►Arming teachers: Ohio Gov. DeWine set to sign bill requiring only 24 hours of training for teachers to carry firearms Colorado The shooting: A 21-year-old man opened fire in a Boulder grocery store in March 2021, killing 10 people. Ten days before the shooting, Boulder had voted to ban assault weapons, but the measure was blocked in court. The court ruled that the city couldn’t ban assault weapons due to a preemption law that prohibits cities from passing stricter gun laws than the state. The response: In the weeks following the shooting inside the King Soopers grocery store, state lawmakers proposed a series of bills in an attempt to curb gun violence. Among the proposed measures: Requiring individuals to safely store firearms and report any loss of stolen firearms. Tightening an already-existing law that allows the removal of firearms from individuals charged with domestic violence. Establishing an office of gun violence prevention for the state. Banning individuals with violent misdemeanors, including child abuse convictions and sexual assault, from purchasing a firearm for five years. What happened: Colorado lawmakers passed the series of bills and Gov. Jared Polis signed the legislation into law just weeks after the shooting. The state also passed a bill overturning Colorado’s preemption law, making the Centennial State the first in the country to do so, and allowing cities to set stricter gun regulations than the state. Despite the numerous gun laws passed in the aftermath of the 2021 shooting, lawmakers didn’t propose or attempt to pass a statewide assault weapons ban. Colorado State Senate President Steve Fenberg, a Democrat from Boulder, told 9 News that while he supports a state-level assault weapons ban, it wouldn’t be as effective as a federal law. “We could pass an assault weapon ban at the state level. I support that. But is that going to save the most lives? Probably not, given the fact that we are just one state,” Fenberg said. “There are probably tens of thousands of assault weapons already here and you can drive an hour-and-a-half north and purchase them.” ►Evolving police strategy: In Boulder shooting, Eric Talley answered 'most dangerous call' in law enforcement. New York The shooting: Ten Black people were killed in a shooting at a Tops Friendly Market in Buffalo May 15. Authorities said the gunman targeted a predominately Black community and he was inspired by a racist theory. The response: In the aftermath of the Buffalo grocery store shooting, New York lawmakers, including Gov. Kathy Hochul, put together a package of bills that would further tighten the state’s already strict gun laws. The legislative package would include: Raising the age minimum to buy a semiautomatic rifle to 21. Requiring a gun license to purchase a semiautomatic rifle. Prohibiting the sale and purchase of body armor for individuals not in law enforcement. Strengthening the state’s “red flag” laws, which work to remove firearms from individual who pose a threat to themselves or others. Currently the state only requires licenses and permits for New Yorkers looking to purchase a handgun. One of the proposed bills would also create a new task force within the attorney general’s office to investigate the role of social media in “promoting and facilitating violent extremism and domestic terrorism online,” according to the governor’s office. What happened: The New York legislature passed the package of gun laws Thursday night nearly three weeks after the mass shooting at the Buffalo grocery store. ►Congress responds: Uvalde and Buffalo survivors, families to testify before House Oversight committee on mass shootings More coverage from USA TODAY Will passing laws help?: Congress urged to address hate crimes, but 'hate is a hell of a motivator.' The lingering impact: 'Gun violence doesn’t end when the shooting stops': Uvalde forever changed after tragic shooting 'Shame on us!': House passes gun-control package after mass shootings but it's likely to die in the Senate Everyone knows the NRA: Who's on the other side? These groups lobby for curbs on firearms The gun lobby: Beyond NRA: Other gun rights groups spend millions in Washington to influence laws This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: New gun control laws after mass shootings: Change comes at state level

i was on the benny karl show and also cousin cliff. benny was an a**hole. not sure if that is benny's correct spelling for his last name.

he looks like captain kangaroo.............

A former Fort Benning commander took a stand in the country’s ongoing debate on gun control with a thread of tweets posted Thursday evening. “Let me state unequivocally — For all intents and purposes, the AR-15 and rifles like it are weapons of war,” retired Army Maj. Gen. Paul Eaton wrote on Twitter. The retired major general went on to write the AR-15 was the civilian version of the M16, a close relation to the M4 rifles currently used by the military. “It is a very deadly weapon with the same basic functionality that our troops use to kill the enemy,” Eaton wrote. Eaton broke down the differences between the M16, M4 and AR-15 in the thread of seven tweets. He said those opposed to assault weapon bans were playing with semantics, when they claimed any meaningful difference existed between military weapons and AR-15 rifles. “...The AR-15 is ACCURATELY CALLED a ‘weapon of war.’ … Don’t take the bait when anti-gun-safety folks argue about it,” he wrote. “They know it’s true. Now you do too.” The tweets came on the heels of one of the country’s deadliest weeks in recent history. In the days since the Uvalde, Texas shooting, 20 mass shootings have claimed the lives of 17 people and injured 88 others, according to Gun Violence Archive. The researchers defined a mass shooting as any shooting with four or more victims shot, either injured or killed.

Rep. Ken Buck: We Can't Regulate Assault Weapons Because Raccoons Eat Chickens Ryan Grenoble Fri, June 3, 2022, 1:08 PM Please, think of the children chickens. At a House Judiciary Committee hearing on gun violence Thursday, Republican Rep. Ken Buck (Colo.) dismissed a proposal to regulate AR-style rifles, the weapon of choice for mass shooters, as “small-minded.” Why? Because without them, Buck claimed, ranchers would be completely defenseless against varmint. “Blaming the gun for what’s happening in America is small-minded,” he said. “In rural Colorado, an AR-15 is a gun of choice for killing raccoons before they get to our chickens,” Buck added. “It is the gun of choice for killing a fox, it is a gun that you control predators on your ranch, on your farm, on your property.” If it sounds preposterous, that’s because it is. As this NRA story detailing a prolific raccoon hunter makes abundantly clear, a small caliber, lever-action rifle is more than capable of keeping the animal at bay. Buck’s office didn’t respond to a request for comment regarding how many chickens the life of one child is worth. Astute readers will recall that Buck has an AR-15 mounted on the wall of his Capitol Hill office. In 2020, he used it threaten Joe Biden, then a presidential candidate, and former Texas Rep. Beto O’Rourke. Neither of them are raccoons. Buck’s claim drew ridicule from his colleagues across the aisle. “Oh — Why didn’t y’all just say so? We have to protect the chickens from the raccoons. Cool cool,” tweeted Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.). “So that’s why our kids have to die in their classrooms. So we can protect the chickens. Makes total sense now.” This article originally appeared on HuffPost and has been updated.

just for the record kentucky is as red as they get and they are the poorest state in the country. it best it might be some but not all so that is kinda fudging a bit is it not?

i have a friend just bought one less than a year ago at a gun show at a local meeting center and no check was done from what he said. and he had no reason to lie. google is your friend then you will not be calling out someone when you clearly do not know what you are talking about. While federal law requires background checks for all gun sales by licensed gun dealers, it does not require background checks for guns sold by unlicensed sellers, like non-dealers who sell guns online or at gun shows. This loophole enables people with felony convictions, domestic abuse restraining orders, and other people with prohibiting histories to buy guns with no questions asked. The loophole should be closed to require background checks on all gun sales—not just on the sale of firearms from licensed gun dealers. do you get it now? it happens all the time and no they are not all drug dealers. they are your neighbors and coworkers possibly. hell from what i understand they still sell them on radio swap shops and trade bulletins as well. and yes my last weapon i bought was from a legit store.

thank the heavens we have you to lean back on david. you are a fresh breath of air on these boards. i wish you would start another one so i can be a mod.

a good start in the long version of change prisons for profit should be outlawed.

he is right and also this is not the smack talk board. i am surprised you got away with it and i truly believe you are lying because that was a shot you took 78. and you know good and well calling cole son was another shot. if you are going to do it at least be honest about it.

the caths have been hiding child rape and moving the people that do this to protect the church. this is fact. there are several documentaries on it. here is what one google story out of many says..... What the data say about police brutality and racial bias — and which reforms might work Some interventions could help to reduce racism and rein in the use of unnecessary force in police work, but the evidence base is still evolving. Lynne Peeples Twitter Facebook Email Body-worn cameras can increase the accountability of the police, but studies on their use have produced mixed results.Credit: Elijah Nouvelage/Getty For 9 minutes and 29 seconds, Derek Chauvin pressed his knee into the neck of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man. This deadly use of force by the now-former Minneapolis police officer has reinvigorated a very public debate about police brutality and racism. As protests have spread around the globe, the pressure is on police departments and politicians, particularly in the United States, to do something — from reforming law-enforcement tactics to defunding or even abolishing police departments. And although researchers are encouraged by the momentum for change, some are also concerned that, without ample evidence to support new policies, leaders might miss the mark. Many have been arguing for years about the need for better data on the use of force by the police in the United States, and for rigorous studies that test interventions such as training on how to de-escalate tense interactions or mandating the use of body-worn cameras by officers. Those data and studies have begun to materialize, spurred by protests in 2014 after the deadly shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and the death by chokehold of Eric Garner in New York City. Government officials, academic researchers and media outlets launched data-collection projects around that time to better understand the frequency of police violence and the risk factors that contribute to it. From these growing data sets come some disturbing findings. About 1,000 civilians are killed each year by law-enforcement officers in the United States. By one estimate, Black men are 2.5 times more likely than white men to be killed by police during their lifetime1. And in another study, Black people who were fatally shot by police seemed to be twice as likely as white people to be unarmed2. “We have enough evidence that tells us that action needs to be taken,” says Justin Nix, a criminologist at the University of Nebraska Omaha. “One thousand deaths a year does not have to be normal.” Since Nature reported last September on what the data say about racial bias and police killings, new evidence has continued to support a link. Data from California show that police stopped and used force against Black people disproportionately, compared with other racial groups, in 2018 (see go.nature.com/2bgfrah). A December 2019 paper reported that bias in police administrative records results in many studies underestimating levels of racial bias in policing, or even masking discrimination entirely3. What the data say about police shootings The data are still limited, which makes crafting policy difficult. A national data set established by the FBI in 2019, for example, contains data from only about 40% of US law-enforcement officers. Data submission by officers and agencies is voluntary, which many researchers see as part of the problem. “Most agencies do not collect that data in a systematic way,” says Tracey Meares, founding director of the Justice Collaboratory at Yale Law School in New Haven, Connecticut. “I hope when people think about the science of this that they understand what we know, what we don’t know and why we don’t know it,” she says. “Policing, in large part for historical reasons, has proceeded in kind of a science-free zone.” Bad apples Scientists must often think creatively to work around the limitations in the data. Mark Hoekstra, an economist at Texas A&M University in College Station, has attempted to decipher the role of race in police officers’ use of force, by comparing responses to emergency calls. Based on information from more than two million 911 calls in two US cities, he concluded that white officers dispatched to Black neighbourhoods fired their guns five times as often as Black officers dispatched for similar calls to the same neighbourhoods4 (see ‘Answering the call’). Hoekstra wonders whether the factors that contribute to an officer using excessive force might be predicted in a similar way to how US Major League Baseball teams use sophisticated statistical models to predict whether a player has the potential to be a future all-star. Source: Ref. 4 Scientists have tried to identify some predictive factors, such as racial bias, a bad temper, insecure masculinity and other individual characteristics, many of which can be identified through simulations already used in officer training5. Nix suggests that such screening could help with vetting officers before they are recruited. But raising the bar for hiring might be impractical, he cautions, because many police departments are already struggling to attract and retain highly qualified candidates. Similar forecasting models could recognize patterns of bad behaviour among officers. Data from the New York City Police Department suggests that officers who had repeated negative marks in their files were more than three times as likely to fire their gun as were other officers6. Mathematicians urge colleagues to boycott police work in wake of killings Such wrongdoing might even be contagious. Another study, published in February, looked at complaints filed against police officers in Chicago, Illinois. It found that although only a small percentage of officers shoot at civilians, those who have done so often serve as “brokers” in the social networks within policing7. Other officers connected to them were also found to be at greater risk of shooting. But carrying out disciplinary action, let alone firing a police officer, is notoriously difficult in the United States. Union contracts give officers protections that have been tied to increases in misconduct8. In many states, a bill of rights for law-enforcement officers shields personnel from investigations into misconduct. “One thing we need to take a hard look at are those state laws and union contracts that provide either flawed or overly protective procedures that insulate officers from appropriate accountability,” says Seth Stoughton, a former police officer who is a law professor at the University of South Carolina in Columbia. Massive protests after the death of George Floyd have renewed pressure to reform policies for US law-enforcement agencies.Credit: Steve Sanchez/Pacific Press via Zuma/eyevine Lawrence Sherman, director of the Cambridge Centre for Evidence-Based Policing in Cambridge, UK, suggests that states have the constitutional power to license, or revoke, the power of any individual to serve as a police officer. “If a state agency was keeping track of everyone’s disciplinary history, they might have taken Derek Chauvin out of the policing business ten years ago,” says Sherman. Chauvin had received 18 complaints against him even before he put his knee on Floyd’s neck. “We monitor performance of doctors,” Sherman adds. “Why don’t we monitor the performance of police officers?” Even officers who are fired for misconduct are frequently rehired. The police officer in Cleveland, Ohio, who fatally shot 12-year-old Tamir Rice in 2014 had previously resigned from another police department after it had deemed him unfit to serve. The Cleveland police did not review the officer’s personnel file before hiring him, The New York Times reported in 2015. An investigation of public records from Florida showed that about 3% of that state’s police force had previously been fired or had resigned in lieu of being dismissed. The study, published in May, found that these officers tended to move to smaller agencies which served a slightly larger proportion of Black residents, but with no significant difference in crime rates9. They also appeared to be more likely to commit misconduct in the future compared to officers who had never been fired. “If an officer is fired for misconduct, or resigned to avoid an investigation, they shouldn’t be able to get hired by another agency,” says Stoughton. “This is a low-hanging fruit.” How environmental racism is fuelling the coronavirus pandemic Federal legislation introduced last month targets barriers to good and fair policing. One bill would effectively end the doctrine of qualified immunity, by which courts have largely prevented officers from being successfully sued for abuse of power or misconduct since the mid-1960s (ref. 10). A similar bill proposes a number of measures intended to increase police accountability, training and data collection, including a national police misconduct registry to keep record of when an officer is fired or quits. Although Democrats in Washington DC broadly support the bills, Republicans unveiled a competing, weaker proposal that does not address the issue of qualified immunity. This came on 17 June — a day after President Donald Trump signed an executive order that incentivizes police reform. The order drew swift criticism over its relatively narrow breadth and lack of teeth. Robin Engel, director of the Center for Police Research and Policy in Cincinnati, Ohio, suggests that the real capacity for change is at the state and local levels. “There’s a collective citizen call to action now to hold political leaders responsible for ensuring that the police are collecting data, releasing data and operating with best practices,” says Engel. Evidence-based policing It remains unclear which law-enforcement practices are actually best, largely because of a lack of data and science. “We’re operating in the dark about what are the most effective strategies, tactics and policies to move forward with,” Engel says. Political leaders and activists pushing for change in the United States have widely endorsed body-worn cameras, de-escalation training, implicit-bias training, early intervention systems, the banning of chokeholds, and civilian oversight since the tragedies of 2014. A survey of 47 of the largest US law-enforcement agencies between 2015 and 2017 found that 39% changed their use-of-force policies in 2015–16 and revised their training to incorporate tactics such as de-escalation. Among the agencies surveyed, officer-involved shootings dropped by 21% during the study period11. “But as we have seen in the last several weeks — from Minneapolis and from the police response to the protests — there’s a great deal that still has to change in policing,” says Laurie Robinson, a criminologist at George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia. Researchers are advocating collection of better data, such as tracking situations in which force was avoided by de-escalation strategies or, when force was used, recording whether it was at a lower level than it might previously have been. Bias detectives: the researchers striving to make algorithms fair The Oklahoma City Police Department is among agencies working to fill that void. It now collects details on the applicability of each specific de-escalation tactic and technique any time force is used. “Since the implementation of our de-escalation policy, our use-of-force numbers have decreased,” states Megan Morgan, a police sergeant and spokesperson for the department. The collection of data might itself hold police officers more accountable. In one study, a requirement that officers file a report when they point their guns at people but do not fire was associated with significantly reduced rates of gun death12. The use of body-worn cameras could be among the easiest interventions to enhance accountability. The technology gained traction after a randomized experiment published in 2014 compared shifts in which all officers wore cameras all the time with shifts in which they never did13. The likelihood of force being used by officers with cameras was roughly half that of officers without cameras. Furthermore, camera-wearing officers received about one-tenth the number of complaints as did officers without cameras. Results of more-recent studies have been mixed. When the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department in Nevada implemented body cameras, it experienced significant drops in both the rate of complaints and the use of force14. But when the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia did the same, it found no benefits (see go.nature.com/3heuxac). The differences might have more to do with policies that allow officers to choose when to turn on their cameras, as well as a lack of controls for situations in which one officer shows up wearing a camera while another does not, notes Sherman. The latter could dilute true differences in the rates of complaints or uses of force. “It would be a travesty if we got rid of body cams,” says Sherman. “They very often help to clarify what happened.” Evidence suggests that encouraging officers to listen to citizens’ views before making decisions and to generally demonstrate an interest in working with members of a community can be another effective intervention. A one-day training programme based on these principles of procedural justice — a model of policing that focuses on respect, neutrality and transparency — was shown to reduce both citizen complaints and use of force by officers in the Chicago Police Department15. “If police are to be of service to communities, they need to build trust with communities that are likely to distrust them,” says Thomas O’Brien, a researcher at the Social Action Lab at the University of Illinois in Urbana–Champaign. His work suggests that such trust-building requires the police to both acknowledge its role in creating the distrust, as well as apologize for it16. Any half-hearted attempts at reconciliation could backfire, he says. Special training can be difficult, however, particularly in smaller jurisdictions, which have been shown to have a higher rate of police shooting civilians17 (see ‘Small-town problems’). Source: Ref. 17 In the wake of Floyd’s death, many calls for change have gone beyond police reform to defunding police departments — reducing their public funding and reallocating resources to other programmes — or dismantling them altogether. Some researchers caution against fully abolishing police departments. That could have “disastrous consequences”, says Engel. “It’s better to work within and demand significant and meaningful change, and then hold them accountable for that change.” Grieving and frustrated: Black scientists call out racism in the wake of police killings However, Engel does support proposals that would begin “carving off pieces” of law-enforcement agencies’ current responsibilities that might fall outside their expertise — or might not require an armed response — such as issues of homelessness, drug abuse and mental illness. In New York City, the police purview goes as far as to include enforcement of street-vendor licences. Across the United States, an arrest is made every 3 seconds; less than 5% of these are for serious violent crimes, according to the Vera Institute of Justice in Brooklyn, New York (see go.nature.com/3fbwmcn) . Curtailing police encounters could also result in fewer crimes. Research published last year found that Black and Latino boys who are stopped more often by police are more likely to commit crimes months later18. Stoughton also emphasizes the role of racial bias in society, as evidenced in the months leading up to Floyd’s murder by the fatal shooting of a 25-year-old Black man, Ahmaud Arbery, by two white men while he was jogging in Georgia, and by a white woman’s 911 call to falsely report being threatened by a Black birdwatcher in New York City’s Central Park. “I have become convinced that we do not have a race problem in policing,” says Stoughton. “Rather, we have a race problem in society that is reflected in policing.” Nature 583, 22-24 (2020) doi: https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-020-01846-z Updates & Corrections Update 26 May 2021: On 20 April 2021, Derek Chauvin was convicted of causing the death of George Floyd. The text has been modified to include updated information on how long Chauvin knelt on Floyd’s neck.

i took it he was gone gone.............

you and he are a pair golf. not sure what kind of pair but you will have bad luck until he returns. we will nominate you to the order of the golden golf ball. but we need golf back.

i quit watching them years ago because of that.

i guess you never heard of kentucky?

i am hoping if we get enough folks that care to get bird back with us. if you miss bird and want him back please.cosign on the thread. also i have no idea on why he is gone so do not ask me i just want him back and if things get out of whack then this thread will get shut down and i hope that does not happen. aubie fiddy